Our founders boldly challenged the British monarch’s restriction on freedom in the colonies, a radical affront to the common thinking of the day. With the Declaration of Independence and then Constitution and the Bill of Rights, the early patriots infused our young nation with liberty, freedom, and democracy. American history—a complex narrative of democratic triumphs and shortcomings—has been an inspiration and lesson for people globally for two and a half centuries.

And yet as we celebrate our 250^th anniversary, the world is experiencing its 20^th year of decline in global freedom, according to Freedom House. Freedom in 54 countries deteriorated in 2025 (out of 195), while only 35 countries showed improvement. Only 21% of the world’s people live in free countries, with the remaining 79% in a country classified as partly free or not free.

Having prided itself as a beacon of freedom, the United States has an opportunity to recapture its voice and revive its role as a leader on democracy, religious freedom, and human rights. This requires strengthening our democracy at home, strengthening our educational system to reinforce democratic values, and rearticulating our long-standing commitment to global freedom. And it requires engaging all elements of American democratic institutions, particularly Congress, as well as a vibrant civil society, the judiciary, state and local governments, the media, philanthropy, and religious institutions.

Declining freedoms globally are driven by multiple factors. Autocrats have expanded their repression and control internationally. One method is transnational repression, a brutal tactic in which autocrats such as those in China, Russia, and Iran reach beyond borders to harass, surveil, and even kill dissidents residing in other countries, including the United States.

China, Russia, and other autocratic allies collaborate amongst themselves to support other autocrats’ struggles for power and reshape a global narrative to undermine democracy and elevate an illiberal alternative. These adversaries have launched hybrid, cyber warfare against all 27 member states of the European Union and the United States to undermine elections, sow internal discord, and weaken democratic foundations. They are working to redefine the global order—the post-World War II structures based on democratic values and free markets—by assuming key leadership positions in international organizations and changing global norms.

At the same time, some established democracies have turned inward to address domestic challenges and have withdrawn from global leadership on democracy. Having dropped 12 points on Freedom House’s 100-point freedom scale over 20 years, the United States has lost some ability to model and project democratic values. The Trump Administration has significantly cut funding for and downsized U.S. government agencies and nongovernmental organizations working on these issues, further impacting American ability to support democracy globally.

Additionally, many global trends have further exacerbated the challenges to global democracy. While rapid technological developments have equipped democracy defenders in their work, they have also unfortunately empowered repressive governments to stymy such efforts through surveillance, facial recognition, internet blackout, and much more.

Global economic hardships have further strained newer democracies and given rise to populist leaders on the right and on the left who take advantage of these struggles to consolidate power. Similarly, health pandemics and demographic shifts, such as mass migration and urbanization, have added to governmental burdens and given a similar rise to undemocratic leaders promising relief. Armed conflict globally has further strained societies unable to respond to violent actors and maintain democratic governance.

While the decline in democracy and freedom may seem daunting, there are compelling reasons why democratic nations and advocates should seek to reverse this decline. Democracy and freedom make the world more secure, prosperous, just, and supportive of human dignity. Despite its skeptics and opponents, expanding democracy around the world is both the most pragmatic and the most moral choice.

A world with more democracies and freedom is unquestionably better for global security. Democratic Peace Theory, which posits that democracies rarely if ever declare and fight a war with each other, holds strong, and we have seen unprecedented periods of peace among democracies. Studies show that the correlation between democracy and peace is five times stronger than the correlation between smoking and cancer.

It’s clear that the most destabilizing global dangers emanate from nondemocratic regimes. These threats include state support for terrorism, proliferation of nuclear weapons, and fueling internal conflict. Nations with democratic governments—which are accustomed to citizen accountability, problem-solving through dialogue and compromise, and restraints on executive power—are more likely to show moderation internationally. Autocrats with limited constraints on power and immunity from citizen pressures have no incentive for self-control, as shown by Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine, China’s threats to Taiwan, and Iranian support for multiple terrorist groups.

Democracy benefits global economic growth, according to multiple studies showing how democracies perform better economically than non-democracies. The 2024 Nobel laureates in economics found that a country that switches from a nondemocratic system to a democratic one sees its GDP rise by about 20% per capita over roughly the next 30 years. Their work showed that countries with extractive institutions—those that benefit only a small group of leaders or the ruling class—hinder economic growth, while those countries with inclusive institutions that adhere to the rule of law ensure the protection of economic and political rights and are more prosperous over the long term. In a related paper entitled “Democracy does cause growth,” one of the Nobel laureates, Dr. Daron Acemoglu, noted that the global rise in democracy over the past 50 years has yielded roughly 6% higher world GDP.

While the security and economic case for democracy is compelling, the moral case is equally persuasive.

Genocide, refugee flows, and massive human rights abuses do not occur in democracies. Countries with democratic governments are more serious in combatting trafficking in persons and other illicit crimes. Democratic nations are more receptive to citizen interests resulting in more responsive environmental, health, and education policies. Democracies outperform nondemocratic nations in protecting fundamental rights including freedom of worship, speech, assembly, and association. While unquestionably not perfect, democracies create space for dissent and have self-correcting mechanisms to address their own shortcomings, a function that autocratic regimes not only lack but actively squelch.

While the case for expanding freedom and democracy globally is undeniable, the path to doing so is challenging. Democratization must be led by the people of the nation, with support coming from external partners, not the other way around. It is a hard-fought battle, as we know from American history, and is not linear, fast, or easily replicated. Democratization can easily be derailed by ambitious actors who prioritize their own power over democratic growth. Supporting democracy overseas can easily come in conflict with other foreign policy goals.

These are real challenges and should not be underestimated. But they cannot be excuses to abandon support for global freedom, which underpins international security, economic growth, and human dignity.

While the United States has long led the effort to support global freedom, the shift in the current administration’s priorities leaves more responsibility for the U.S. Congress, the nongovernmental sector, philanthropic organizations, and the private sector, in tandem with new global leadership. Democratic nations must recognize the existential impact of waning global democracy and lead the way to reverse the recession.

Democracies should ensure that national security and economic development policies address threats to democratic governance and support democratization globally. Democratic risks should be treated as national security issues and resourced accordingly. Ukraine and Taiwan should be aided in countering the tremendous dangers they face from Russia and China; their success in maintaining their democracies is central to the global fight. Economic development assistance should aid democratizing nations and integrate democratic practices that make economic growth more transparent and sustainable.

Democratic governments, along with corporate, philanthropic, and nongovernmental leaders, should invest in public and private sector capacity to expand pro-democracy messaging. With the hobbling of Voice of America and other information outlets, the United States and its allies need a new strategy to combat the autocratic information war that sows doubt in democracy and undermines activists.

In virtually every country, democracy defenders struggle for freedom. They need political, rhetorical, and financial support to advance their work. While traditional diplomacy and engagement typically run through governments (elected or not), democratic nations should expand their partnerships with democracy activists who are more representative of the citizens of a nation.

Finally, democratic nations with key technology companies and international organizations should continue to identify technological solutions to counter autocrats’ effective use of technology to limit freedoms and undermine democratic activism. This should counter surveillance and targeted internet shutdowns as well as bolster defenders’ capacity to communicate freely.

Our founders gave our nation and the world a great gift in the aspirational ideals captured in our founding documents. These enduring principles should serve as a guide at home and abroad for the next 250 years.

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Note: This essay is derived from Nicole Bibbins Sedaca’s June 12, 2026 plenary address at “American Independence and Identity at 250: Examining Democracy in the United States and Globally,” a conference hosted by Gordon College and co-sponsored by the Lilly Network of Church-Related Colleges and Universities, Christians in Political Science, The Review of Faith & International Affairs, the Center for Faith & Inquiry, and the Center for Public Justice. Videos of all plenary addresses are available here.