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Many countries around the world are undergoing a phenomenon known variously as “democratic backsliding” or “autocratization.” The Swedish democracy monitor, V-Dem (“Varieties of Democracy”) characterizes an autocratizing country as one whose incumbent regime manages “to bypass or weaken democratic institutional constraints such as an impartial administration, vertical and horizontal accountability, as well as free and open media. This may apply both to an autocratizer’s legal rise to power and autocratizing behaviour in office.” Autocratizing countries are also likely to restrict religious freedoms.

Widespread concerns about religious freedom underpin the notion that now is the time to come up with a new formulation for living together in the context of racial, ethnic, and religious differences. “Covenantal pluralism,” an approach which may yield fruitful results, is a relational and nonrelativistic paradigm that identifies a range of “top-down” (legal) and “bottom-up” (cultural) prerequisites for living constructively in a world of religious/worldview diversity.

Autocratizing countries are common in sub-Saharan Africa. It is, then, good news to note that Zambia is not an autocratizer. V-Dem identifies the country as that rare phenomenon in today’s world: a democratizing country, one of the top 10 best in the world between 2019 and 2022.

In a recent article for The Review of Faith & International Affairs, I explored the issue of covenantal pluralism in Zambia, a country where democracy appears to be improving. I posed the question of whether it is possible to develop a new approach for living together in a country with both religious and ethnic differences, such as Zambia? Theoretically, it seems likely that Zambian citizens would benefit from increased covenantal pluralism. The article, which presented empirical evidence of popular support for key conditions and propositions of covenantal pluralism, discovered that the progress of covenantal pluralism was perhaps slower than many would like. I identified little evidence that Zambia’s government diligently pursues covenantal pluralism, arguably because it might undermine a key source of governmental legitimacy—Zambia as a “Christian nation.”

Zambia’s historical experiences in managing religious pluralism are instructive in relation to the prospects today for covenantal pluralism in the country. The then president, Frederick Chiluba, a born-again Christian, declared in 1991 that Zambia is a “Christian nation.” Chiluba (1943-2011), the country’s second president from 1991 to 2002, does not appear to have consulted either with his cabinet or parliament more widely before announcing his decision. Lack of institutional support for Chiluba’s announcement did not prevent the country’s position as a “Christian nation” being ratified in the 1996 constitution. This was despite the fact that Zambia has many other religions besides Christianity, including Islam, Hinduism, and indigenous African religions.

Chiluba’s period in power followed nearly two decades of rule by his predecessor, Kenneth Kaunda. Kaunda’s national credo was what he called “humanism,” a combination of Christianity, non-Marxist socialism, and nationalism. Coming to power, Chiluba sought to reinvent the ethos of Zambian nationalism at a time of burgeoning Christian, notably Pentecostal and Charismatic, spirituality. His approach was intended to provide answers to a fundamental political problem facing covenantal pluralism: to assert a focal point for collective identification and solidarity which could be shared across Zambia’s multiple ethnicities, an important issue when we bear in mind that Zambia is home to more than 70 recognized ethnic groups.

In my recent article for The Review of Faith & International Affairs, I explored three conditions of possibility for the flourishing of covenantal pluralism in Zambia. They are: legal assurances of religious equality, appropriate religious education (RE) curricula in educational establishments, and development of mutual respect and engagement between followers of different religions.  Although the three conditions are theoretically present in Zambia, challenges remain. First, there are legal assurances within the constitutional framework, but the present conditions are such that legislation is not fully implemented. Evidence for this claim comes from the continuing controversy over abolition of the Ministry of National Guidance and Religious Affairs in 2021. The controversy centers on how legal guarantees should be implemented by government in order to assure freedom of conscience and free exercise of religion.

Zambia’s government has sought to amend RE curricula, as a means to promote and improve religious literacy. Yet, there remain significant gaps between policy and implementation. While the government has revised RE syllabi, this was apparently done without drawing on the knowledge of Zambia’s non-Christian groups. The government did not consult either the Supreme Islamic Council of Zambia or the Hindu Association of Zambia. This would have been both useful and appropriate in developing teaching-learning materials for use in multi-faith RE. In addition, the government failed proactively to encourage learning and understanding among RE teachers on the importance of accommodating different religious traditions in their teaching, so as all students could feel that their own religion is well represented in teaching. Finally, civil society organizations, including non-Christian faith entities, did not pro-actively encouraged government to revise RE syllabuses or act as a watch dog regarding whether amendments to RE were implemented.

Development of mutual respect and engagement between followers of different religions is a final condition for the successful development of covenantal pluralism in Zambia. In this regard, while available evidence is mixed, there does seem to be a gradual development of social norms encouraging cultivation and embodiment of mutual respect across the country’s religious diversity. On the other hand, Zambia’s protracted economic instability places a great strain on society, and while there are efforts to develop mutual respect at the level of civil society, the struggle for economic advancement may take precedence for many Zambians.

To succeed, efforts to develop covenantal pluralism must be both consistent and diligent, utilizing the skills and expertise of a range of stakeholders—both religious and secular, both within government and civil society.